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Nous sommes reconnaissants au ''Washington Post'', au ''New York Times'', ''Time Magazine'' et d'autres grandes publications dont les directeurs ont assisté à nos réunions et respecté leurs promesses de discrétion depuis presque 40 ans. Il nous aurait été impossible de développer nos plans pour le monde si nous avions été assujettis à l'exposition publique durant toutes ces années. Mais le monde est maintenant plus sophistiqué et préparé à entrer dans un gouvernement mondial. La souveraineté supranationale d'une élite intellectuelle et de banquiers mondiaux est assurément préférable à l'autodétermination nationale pratiquée dans les siècles passés. |
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|original=We are grateful to the Washington Post, the New York Times, Time magazine and other great publications whose directors have attended our meetings and respected the promises of discretion for almost forty years. It would have been impossible for us to develop our plan for the world if we had been subject to the bright lights of publicity during those years. But, the world is now more sophisticated and prepared to march towards a world-government. The supranational sovereignty of an intellectual elite and world bankers is surely preferable to the National autodetermination practiced in past centuries. |
|original=We are grateful to the Washington Post, the New York Times, Time magazine and other great publications whose directors have attended our meetings and respected the promises of discretion for almost forty years. It would have been impossible for us to develop our plan for the world if we had been subject to the bright lights of publicity during those years. But, the world is now more sophisticated and prepared to march towards a world-government. The supranational sovereignty of an intellectual elite and world bankers is surely preferable to the National autodetermination practiced in past centuries. |
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Version du 29 octobre 2014 à 23:05
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Le nouvel ordre mondial (« new world order ») est le nom donné à une vision du monde de l'après-Guerre froide immédiat et de la période de l'histoire entamée au tournant de la dernière décennie du XXe siècle, juste après l'effondrement de l'Union Soviétique. L'expression a été utilisée lors d'un discours prononcé au Congrès américain le 6 mars 1991 par le président George H.W. Bush puis régulièrement reprise.
George Herbert Walker Bush
- (en) Now, we can see a new world coming into view, a world in which there is the very real prospect of a new world order. In the words of Winston Churchill, a "world order" in which "the principles of justice and fair play... protect the weak against the strong..." a world where the United Nations, freed from cold war stalemate, is poised to fulfill the historic vision of its founders. A world in which freedom and respect for human rights find a home among all nations.
- Discours, 6 mars 1991, Congrés des États-Unis - Washington, dans Le Monde Diplomatique, George W. Bush.
John F. Hylan
- (en) The real menace of our Republic is the invisible government which like a giant octopus sprawls its slimy length over our city, state and nation… At the head of this octopus are the Rockefeller-Standard Oil interests and a small group of powerful banking houses generally referred to as the international bankers [who] virtually run the United States government for their own selfish purposes.
- Discours, 27 mars 1922, New York City, dans The New York Times, John F. Hylan.
- Citation choisie pour le 14 décembre 2009.
Edward Bernays
- Propaganda, Edward Bernays (trad. Oristelle Bonis), éd. Zones, 2007 (ISBN 978-2-35522-001-2), p. 31 (voir la fiche de référence de l'œuvre)
John Maynard Keynes
- (en) I have confidence that Americans can be brought to a sympathetic understanding of our difficulties. But, however hardup we may be for the time being, we [The British Commonwealth] - on the assumption which underlies all our post-war plans - shall be standing on the top of the world, one of the two or three masters of the future.
- Introduction du texte écrit par Keynes à l'intention du gouvernement britannique
- (en) Collected Writings of John Maynard Keynes (1941), D. Moggridge, éd. Mac Millan, 1980, t. XXV, partie Proposals for an International Currency Union (Second Draft, November 18, 1941), section I, p. 42-66
- (en) The idea underlying my proposals for a Currency Union is simple, namely [...] the establishment of an International Clearing Bank.
- Au sujet de la création d'une « banque centrale internationale »
- (en) Collected Writings of John Maynard Keynes (1941), D. Moggridge, éd. Mac Millan, 1980, t. XXV, partie Proposals for an International Currency Union (Second Draft, November 18, 1941), section II, p. 42-66
- (en) The Bank might set up an account in favour of the supranational policing body charged with the duty of preserving the peace and maintaining international order. If any country were to infringe its properly authorised orders, the policing body might be entitled to request the Governors of the Clearing Bank to hold the Clearing Account of the central bank of the delinquent country to its order and permit no further transactions on the account except by its authority. This would provide an excellent machinery for enforcing a financial blockade.
- (en) Collected Writings of John Maynard Keynes (1941), D. Moggridge, éd. Mac Millan, 1980, t. XXV, partie Proposals for an International Currency Union (Second Draft, November 18, 1941), section X, p. 42-66
George Kennan
- (en) [...] we have about 50% of the world's wealth but only 6.3% of its population. This disparity is particularly great as between ourselves and the peoples of Asia. In this situation, we cannot fail to be the object of envy and resentment. Our real task in the coming period is to devise a pattern of relationships which will permit us to maintain this position of disparity without positive detriment to our national security. To do so, we will have to dispense with all sentimentality and day-dreaming; and our attention will have to be concentrated everywhere on our immediate national objectives. We need not deceive ourselves that we can afford today the luxury of altruism and world-benefaction.
- Une version déformée de cette citation a été largement diffusée
- (en) Foreign Relations of the United States (1948), United States Department of State, éd. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1976, t. 1, partie 2, p. 523-525
Dwight David Eisenhower
- (en) In the councils of government, we must guard against the acquisition of unwarranted influence, whether sought or unsought, by the military-industrial complex. The potential for the disastrous rise of misplaced power exists and will persist.
- Eisenhower's Farewell Address to the Nation, 17 janvier 1961, dans Eisenhower's farewell address, Dwight David Eisenhower.
Carroll Quigley
- (en) The powers of financial capitalism had a far-reaching (plan), nothing less than to create a world system of financial control in private hands able to dominate the political system of each country and the economy of the world as a whole.
- (en) Tragedy & Hope (1966), Carroll Quigley, éd. GSG & Associates, 1975, p. 324
Richard Gardner
- (en) The New World Order will have to be built from the bottom up rather than from the top down… but an end run on national sovereignty, eroding it piece by piece will accomplish much more than the old-fashioned frontal assault.
- « The Hard Road to World Order », Richard Gardner, Foreign Affairs, avril 1974, p. 558
Lawrence Patton McDonald
- (en) Tom Braden, Pat Buchanan, Crossfire, CNN, 1983
- (en) Tom Braden, Pat Buchanan, Crossfire, CNN, 1983
- (en) Tom Braden, Pat Buchanan, Crossfire, CNN, 1983
- (en) Tom Braden, Pat Buchanan, Crossfire, CNN, 1983
- (en) Tom Braden, Pat Buchanan, Crossfire, CNN, 1983
David Rockefeller
- (en) Some even believe we are part of a secret cabal working against the best interests of the United States, characterizing my family and me as "internationalists" and of conspiring with others around the world to build a more integrated global political and economic structure - one world, if you will. If that's the charge, I stand guilty, and I am proud of it.
- Memoirs, David Rockefeller, éd. Random House; 1st Trade Ed edition, October 15, 2002 (ISBN 978-0679405887), p. 405
Nous sommes reconnaissants au Washington Post, au New York Times, Time Magazine et d'autres grandes publications dont les directeurs ont assisté à nos réunions et respecté leurs promesses de discrétion depuis presque 40 ans. Il nous aurait été impossible de développer nos plans pour le monde si nous avions été assujettis à l'exposition publique durant toutes ces années. Mais le monde est maintenant plus sophistiqué et préparé à entrer dans un gouvernement mondial. La souveraineté supranationale d'une élite intellectuelle et de banquiers mondiaux est assurément préférable à l'autodétermination nationale pratiquée dans les siècles passés.
|original=We are grateful to the Washington Post, the New York Times, Time magazine and other great publications whose directors have attended our meetings and respected the promises of discretion for almost forty years. It would have been impossible for us to develop our plan for the world if we had been subject to the bright lights of publicity during those years. But, the world is now more sophisticated and prepared to march towards a world-government. The supranational sovereignty of an intellectual elite and world bankers is surely preferable to the National autodetermination practiced in past centuries.
- Discours à la Commission Trilatérale, juin 1991, Baden Baden, dans Matrix of Power: How the World Has Been Controlled by Powerful Men Without Your Knowledge, paru en 2000.
Henry Kissinger
- (en) NAFTA will represent the most creative step toward a new world order taken by any group of countries since the end of the Cold War, and the first step toward an even larger vision of a free-trade zone for the entire Western Hemisphere.... NAFTA is not a conventional trade agreement, but the architecture of a new international system.
- « With NAFTA, U.S. finally creates a new world order », Henry A. Kissinger, Los Angeles Times, 18 juillet 1993, p. M2
Arthur Meier Schlesinger, Jr.
- « Back to the Womb? Isolationism's Renewed Threat », Arthur Meier Schlesinger, Jr., Foreign Affairs, juillet/août 1995, p. 2-8
Zbigniew Brzezinski
- (en) It is imperative that no Eurasian challenger emerges, capable of dominating Eurasia and thus of also challenging America. The formulation of a comprehensive and intergrated Eurasian geostrategy is therefore the purpose of this book.
- (en) The Grand Chessboard : American Primacy and Its Geostrategic Imperatives, Zbigniew Brzezinski, éd. New York, 1997 (ISBN 0-465-02726-1), p. 14
- (en) The public supported America's engagement in World War II largely because of the shock effect of the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor.
- (en) The Grand Chessboard : American Primacy and Its Geostrategic Imperatives, Zbigniew Brzezinski, éd. New York, 1997 (ISBN 0-465-02726-1), p. 25
- (en) It is also a fact that America is too democratic at home to be autocratic abroad. This limits the use of America's power, especially its capacity for military intimidation. Never before has a populist democracy attained international supremacy. But the pursuit of power is not a goal that commands popular passion, except in conditions of a sudden threat or challenge to the public's sense of domestic well-being. The economic self-denial (that is defense spending), and the human sacrifice (casualties even among professional soldiers) required in the effort are uncongenial to democratic instincts. Democracy is inimical to imperial mobilization.
- (en) The Grand Chessboard : American Primacy and Its Geostrategic Imperatives, Zbigniew Brzezinski, éd. New York, 1997 (ISBN 0-465-02726-1), p. 35-36
- (en) Two basic steps are thus required: first to identify the geostrategically dynamic Eurasian states that have the power to cause a potentially important shift in the international distribution of power and to decipher the central external goals of their respective political elites and the likely consequences of their seeking to attain them; [...] second to formulate specific U.S. policies to offset, co-opt, and/or control the above
- (en) The Grand Chessboard : American Primacy and Its Geostrategic Imperatives, Zbigniew Brzezinski, éd. New York, 1997 (ISBN 0-465-02726-1), p. 40
- (en) Tu put it in a terminology that harkens back to the more brutal age of ancient empires, the three grand imperatives of imperial geostrategy are to prevent collusion and maintain security dependance among the vassels, to keep tributaries pliant and protected, and to keep the barbarians from coming together.
- (en) The Grand Chessboard : American Primacy and Its Geostrategic Imperatives, Zbigniew Brzezinski, éd. New York, 1997 (ISBN 0-465-02726-1), p. 40
- (en) Public opinion polls suggest that only a small minority (13 percent) of Americans favor the proposition that 'as the sole remaining superpower, the US should continue to be the preeminent world leader in solving international problems'. [...] As America becomes an increasingly multicultural society, it may find it more difficult to fashion a consensus on foreign policy issues, except in the circumstance of a truly massive and widely perceived direct external threat. [...] More generally, cultural change in America may also be uncongenial to the sustained exercise abroad of genuinely imperial power. That exercise requires a high degree of doctrinal motivation, intellectual commitment, and patriotic gratification. [...] Mass communications have been playing a particularly important role in that regard, generating a strong revulsion against any selective use of force that entails even low levels of casualties [...] In brief, the U.S. Policy goals must be un-apologetically twofold: to perpetuate America's own dominant position for at least a generation and preferably longer
- (en) The Grand Chessboard : American Primacy and Its Geostrategic Imperatives, Zbigniew Brzezinski, éd. New York, 1997 (ISBN 0-465-02726-1), p. 211-215
Nicolas Sarkozy
- Allocution du Président de la République devant l'Assemblée générale de l'ONU, 25 septembre 2007, Assemblée générale de l'ONU, dans Site elysee.fr, Nicolas Sarkozy.
- Allocution du Président de la République, 16 Janvier 2009, face au Corps Diplomatique, dans Site dailymotion.com, Nicolas Sarkozy.
José Manuel Durão Barroso
- (en) Today Europe can propose the principles and rules that will shape a new global order.
- Intervention de José Manuel Barroso, 21 octobre 2008, Parlement Européen, dans Sarkozy calls for EU "Economic Government"(also includes: Barroso, Farage, de Villiers), paru 22 octobre 2008, José Manuel Durão Barroso.
- (en) We are indeed living historic moments. The kind of occasion where the crisis calls in to question all certainties and minds are more open to change. These are very special moments and they are not happening everyday. We have to understand that it’s really one of those moments where there is some higher plasticity and then where we can make a real change
- Intervention de José Manuel Barroso, 21 octobre 2008, Parlement Européen, dans Sarkozy calls for EU "Economic Government"(also includes: Barroso, Farage, de Villiers), paru 22 octobre 2008, José Manuel Durão Barroso.
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